Bücher und Broschüren

Häufig heißt es, durch Hip-Hop würden Marginalisierte und Unterdrückte eine Stimme bekommen und könnten auf ihre Lage aufmerksam machen. Selten fehlt hierbei der Verweis auf die Herkunft der Musik in den schwarzen Ghettos der USA. So berechtigt diese Zuschreibung auch ist, so sehr lässt sie außer acht, dass die Rapper, die eben jenen Ghettos entstammten, meist nicht nur soziale Missstände thematisierten, sondern auch Erklärungen hierfür lieferten, die sich aus antisemitischen Verschwörungstheorien speisten.

When the first Africans arrived in Virginia in 1619, there were no “white” people there. Nor, according to colonial records, would there be for another sixty years. In this seminal two-volume work, The Invention of the White Race, Theodore W. Allen tells the story of how America’s ruling classes created the category of the “white race” as a means of social control. Since that early invention, white privileges have enforced the myth of racial superiority, and that fact has been central to maintaining ruling-class domination over ordinary working people of all colors throughout American history.

The analysis of May ’68 in Paris, Berkeley, and the Western world has been widely reconsidered. But 1968 is not only a year that conjures up images of Paris, Frankfurt, or Milan: it was also the pivotal year for a new anti-colonial and anti-capitalist politics to erupt across the Third World, a crucial and central moment in the history, thought, and politics of Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America. Japan’s position - neither in “the West” nor in the “Third World’ - provoked a complex and intense round of mass mobilisations through the 1960s and early ’70s. Although the “’68 revolutions” of the Global North-Western Europe and North America - are widely known, the Japanese situation remains remarkably under-examined globally. Beginning in the late 1950s, the New Left, independent of the prewar Japanese communist moment (itself of major historical importance in the 1920s and ’30s), came to produce one of the most vibrant decades of political organization, political thought, and political aesthetics in the global twentieth century. In the present volume, major thinkers of the left in Japan, alongside scholars of the 1968 movements, reexamine the theoretical sources, historical background, cultural productions, and major organisational problems of the 1968 revolutions in Japan.

In 1946 many Jewish soldiers returned to their homes in England imagining that they had fought and defeated the forces of fascism in Europe. Yet in London they found a revived fascist movement inspired by Sir Oswald Mosley and stirring up agitation against Jews and communists. Many felt that the government, the police and even the Jewish Board of Deputies were ignoring the threat; so they had to take matters into their own hands, by any means necessary.

The economic and social impact of the coronavirus pandemic has been unprecedented. Governments have spoken of being at war and find themselves forced to seek new powers in order to maintain social order and prevent the spread of the virus. This is often exercised with the notion that we will return to normal as soon as we can. What if that is not possible? Secondly, if the state can mobilize itself in the face of an invisible foe like this pandemic, it should also be able to confront visible dangers such as climate destruction with equal force.

Women are in a bind. In the name of consent and empowerment, they must proclaim their desires clearly and confidently. Yet sex researchers suggest that women’s desire is often slow to emerge. And men are keen to insist that they know what women - and their bodies - want. Meanwhile, sexual violence abounds. How can women, in this environment, possibly know what they want? And why do we expect them to?

The science on climate change has been clear for a very long time now. Yet despite decades of appeals, mass street protests, petition campaigns, and peaceful demonstrations, we are still facing a booming fossil fuel industry, rising seas, rising emission levels, and a rising temperature. With the stakes so high, why haven’t we moved beyond peaceful protest?

Gustav Landauer (1870–1919) zählt zu den exponiertesten Vertretern des deutschsprachigen Anarchismus seiner Zeit und ist heute dennoch weitgehend unbekannt. Als politischer Denker, Philosoph, Intellektueller und Literaturkritiker war Landauer in unterschiedlichen Gruppen wie dem Arbeiteranarchismus oder dem Forte-Kreis aktiv und wurde breit rezipiert. Sein Werk entfaltete aber vor allem innerhalb der jüdischen Jugend eine große Wirkung: Gershom Scholem, Walter Benjamin, Manés Sperber, Paul Celan und viele andere lasen und priesen Landauers Schriften.

„Meine lieben Bayern haben’s gut gemacht“, schreibt Gustav Landauer, als er im November 1918 von der Ausrufung des Freistaats Bayern erfährt. Ohne Zögern folgt er dem Ruf seines Freundes Kurt Eisner, des ersten bayerischen Ministerpräsidenten, nach München und wird zu einer der intellektuellen Leitfiguren der Revolution und Rätezeit.

1872 weilt Bakunin in der Uhrenstadt Saint-Imier im Schweizer Jura, wo die Antiautoritäre Internationale gegründet wird. Zehn Frauen werden von den Freiheitsideen angesteckt und beschliessen, nach Südamerika auszuwandern, um dort ein herrschaftsfreies Leben auszuprobieren. Als Kriegskasse beschafft sich jede eine Longines 20A...